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tion between the wage level and the level of stability (Table 9). Nor could the differences in stability be attributed to such other factors as age of the firm, its size, or the sex composition of the work force. When the influence of wages was held constant, these factors showed a statistically insignificant association with turnover levels. When the firms were combined into ten industry groups, the inverse relationship between the group average wage and turnover levels was discernible in a rank correlation of -.66. It is notable that, as wage levels have risen in firms and industries characterized by high turnover, stability and sometimes productivity have increased in spite of employers' expectations that leisure preferences would lead to greater absenteeism and the effectiveness of discipline would be weakened.

Like high turnover, high absenteeism may be attributable to undisciplined work habits or an inability to adapt to the requirements of factory work. Rates of absenteeism (man-days lost for all reasons) varied widely among the sample firms, ranging from less than 2 percent to almost 20 percent of scheduled man-days. Furthermore, like turnover, the level of absenteeism appeared to be inversely associated with plant wage levels, although not as closely as in the case of turnover. Thus, generally, high turnover and absenteeism tended to be found together. Interviewed employers offered evidence of a subjective nature that workers move from the lower-wage industries to the higher. For example, in the relatively high-wage electrical goods industry some of the metropolitan plants that opened after 1953 were able to begin operations with a large proportion of industrially experienced women in their work forces. It was often asserted that the plant could easily have been converted into a brassière or other garment plant because of the number of women with needle-trade experience. This was true despite the rapid expansion currently taking place in the garment industry.

Within the garment industry itself, plant managers reported considerable movement of women from the lower-wage native section of the industry to the newer producers for the mainland market, who paid higher wages set under federal regulation. This movement is of particular interest since the native sector was by far the more "traditional" in the imposition of discipline, in output and quality requirements, in the relations between owners and workers, and in other conditions of employment. By moving to plants managed by continentals, the workers generally exposed themselves to much more severe discipline, higher production and quality requirements, and more impersonal, though less authoritarian, relations. The starting wage differential of 30 per

cent or more, however, seemed adequate to overcome any preference workers may have had for the more tolerant and traditional climate of the native sector. At the time of our survey this sector was rapidly becoming a training ground for the higher-wage sector of the industry. Management employment practices themselves must be credited with part of the responsibility for great instability where it has persisted over time. For example, very high turnover rates in the sample plants were sometimes found to be associated with inefficient recruiting and hiring practices. Many firms hired workers before they screened them; those who did not show rapid progress would then be discouraged from remaining. Training personnel and methods were often found to be inadequate and not conducive to early achievement of the high output standards that were demanded, so that, again, frustration and turnover were encouraged. Some firms dismissed absenteeism as endemic to the Puerto Rican work force and made no attempts to reduce it even though it could be demonstrated that excessive absenteeism was successfully being curbed by other firms. Of course, high turnover and absenteeism also reflected some resistance on the part of workers to the discipline of factory employment, but it appeared that resistance could be greatly softened under appropriate training and wage conditions. Under optimum conditions, labor force stability could be achieved in a plant employing a moderately low order of skills in as short a time as one to two years.

The association of stability with wages, however, should not be attributed solely to workers' responses to higher wages. We noted that rising minimum wages also had an impact on management practices. Many practices that may be economic at low wage levels are not economic when wages rise. Managements' desire to restrain labor cost leads to more careful hiring and training procedures, more vigorous measures to combat absenteeism, and a tightening of production standards. Thus, higher wages not only reduce workers' incentive to move but also force a rationalization of management practices. This may have the further effect of minimizing the frustrations to which workers would otherwise be exposed.

Interplant Mobility

In exploring the pattern and reasons for past job changes and workers' attitudes toward their current jobs, we found that wages were an important underlying factor. We have already noted that workers'

expectations of higher wages were heavily emphasized as a force encouraging their original interest in industrial employment and drawing them into the market. Once involvement is achieved, both actual and potential mobility seem to be guided or influenced by wage differences. For example, dissatisfaction with earnings, because of either low wage rates or irregular work, was by far the most frequently given reason for voluntary separations by workers in their postinvolvement period. Evidence that mobility has not been irrational in a wage sense is provided by the earning records accompanying the employment histories of our sample workers.

Our data show that among male and female workers who had made between one and three job changes since 1945, about two thirds of the moves were accompanied by increases in earnings; among workers with over four job changes, a smaller proportion of moves one half among men and 40 percent among women-was accompanied by increases in earnings. However, it must be noted that these figures include all moves, both voluntary and involuntary, and some that preceded entry into the industrial labor force, and that they probably reflect the greater seasonality of nonfactory employment. Thus the high proportion of reported increases in earnings is even more impressive. There need be nothing irrational, of course, about movement among plants that offer identical minimum wages within a particular industrial sector. For example, the high rate of movement of women among brassière and other garment plants was often motivated not so much by hope of an immediate increase in income, as by hopes that instruction or supervision would be better or that output standards would be easier to meet. Part of this movement should be viewed as a process of developing standards for judging the desirability of particular employments, rather than as an indiscriminate or irrational movement, which most employers thought it was.

A stress on wage factors in other contexts suggested their importance for motivating possible future moves as well as past moves. Among the sample workers, a higher degree of dissatisfaction with the current job or employment situation was expressed by the lowest-wage workers than by any other group, and they cited wages as the principal reason for their dissatisfaction. Workers interested in other jobs in the plant, workers who did not expect to remain in their current places of employment, and workers who expressed a preference for employment in some other factory all had wages below the average of the sample as a whole and mentioned wages as a primary reason for desiring a change.

Occupational Mobility and Aspirations

If our view of the labor market were restricted to the area of interindustry and interfirm mobility, the Puerto Rican industrial worker would appear to be firmly integrated into the industrial labor market and his behavior consistent with that of a committed industrial worker. An extension of our area of reference, however, reveals other respects in which the development of an industrial society is incomplete. One of the most conspicuous is the current occupational structure of the industrial labor market; the workers' view of its vertical dimension and of their potential mobility within it is limited.

As an allocative institution, it is not enough that the labor market draw workers into the industrial sector and induce them to remain there. Simultaneously the market must serve as an efficient mechanism for allocating workers throughout the occupational hierarchy. At an early stage of industrialization, this distribution may be achieved by purely administrative job assignments with little consideration of preferences of employees, which may be neutral in any case. As development proceeds, however, and labor requirements become increasingly diverse, the market must be concerned with the hierarchy of jobs and skills and the adequacy of the incentives offered to workers. Alternatively it can be argued that the development of an occupational hierarchy and opportunities for mobility are essential for gaining full commitment of the labor force. Unless opportunities are consistent with workers' aspirations, commitment is likely to be uncertain or temporary. Thus, the requirements of both sustained economic development and commitment point to the extension of the labor market and the formalization and impersonalization of the allocative process.

Under what conditions does a consciousness of mobility develop among workers? When do their aspirations for advancement actually become effective determinants of their behavior or a standard against which their satisfaction with industrial employment can be measured? In the Puerto Rican study we found that workers were very much aware of the substantial gains in income and status that their initial involvement in factory employment had given them. On the other hand, they displayed only a vague awareness of possibilities for further advancement within the industrial system. It is not surprising, therefore, that there was also a notable lack of aspiration to advance to skilled or more responsible positions.

For example, only about a third of the men indicated a preference for a different job in the plant in which they were currently employed

(Table 10). Of these barely half expressed interest in a job at a higher skill or supervisory level. Interest in skilled jobs was expressed by only a third of the men making a choice, but a substantial number of these were already skilled workers interested in other skilled jobs. Unskilled workers chose unskilled and semiskilled jobs much more often than they chose skilled ones. The most striking characteristic of those indicating some other job preference was their earning level, which was significantly lower than that of the other workers at the same level of skill.

The reasons given for the indicated choices are suggestive (Table 11). Wage differentials were relatively more important than physical effort in choosing skilled and supervisory jobs; physical effort was relatively more important than any other factor in the choice of unskilled jobs, and of considerable influence in the choice of semiskilled. In other words, the choices of the lower skill levels were made with an eye to minimizing effort as well as to maximizing income. That this is not an unreasonable economic choice will be indicated shortly. Prestige appears important only in the choice of supervisory posts; skilled positions were not chosen for reasons of prestige any more often than were semiskilled jobs.

The demonstrated patterns of aspirations cannot be dismissed simply as informed choices in the face of unlimited opportunity. Indeed, other factors, including the technological nature of the industrialization to date and many employers' policies restricting the number of opportunities for advancement, make the choices appear quite understandable. The majority of the new manufacturing firms in Puerto Rico at the time of the study were light industries which employed largely low-level skills, except in plant maintenance. A well-developed occupational hierarchy within a plant was the exception rather than the rule. In the more common case the wide gulf, in terms of skill, that separated production from maintenance jobs removed the latter from an occupational line of progression. Since employment as a skilled mechanic usually presumed the possession of the skill qualifications, workers may justifiably have viewed the possibilities of qualifying as very remote.

In general, our data suggest that aspirations for more highly skilled jobs in the plant are a function of the skill composition of its work force. Among the industries that employed men, the three having the highest proportions of skilled workers included two of the three industries within which the largest proportion of workers who expressed preferences for another job chose skilled jobs. Conversely, in the in

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